The Challenges to Work Under Oppression

The Challenges to Work Under Oppression, Ways to Uphold Democratization and Reform process within a Democratic and Transparent Party

27-10-2010

This title is some what challenging to Palestine. It is not easy to discuss oppression and internal politics of reform and correction without considering the heavy hand of occupation.

 

It may seem easy to dismiss this problem by utilizing past experiences of our partners in this meeting. For example South African ANC practiced democracy long before the transition to power in 1994. The PLO was built on democratic principles, and even though the selection of the PNC was not possible to achieve in direct elections still the PLO tried to select representatives through elected organizations representation.

 

After the establishment of the PNA the democratic face of the Authority was established through elections but in real fact the hand of the occupation was influential in restricting the choices. To some degree there were additional requirements to remain in power in the Palestinian politics.

 

Certainly it will help if you are popular and have constituency and a good support of the party system. But that was not enough to give you the right place or the proportional power. It was simply because the occupation role can skew the internal political power balance.

 

Between 1996 and 2000 a transformation of the political power structure occurred without a clear notice from the top political system. The rank and file structure was more influenced by the factors of corruption presented neatly by His Excellency Mr. Kgalema Motlanthe.  But then there was more.

 

In South Africa, corruption factors are normal and can be seen in any transformation from liberation to governance. In the case of Palestine it is worse.  In addition to the normal attractions for corruption the occupation can interfere in the internal politics by direct or subtle means.

 

The Palestinian society before the establishment of the PNA was composed of a majority of the people against the occupation with a small group of beneficiaries that was condemned by the majority.

 

There was no upper structure of collaboration with the occupation able to actually control the public opinion. The PLO role in governing the people support was instrumental in stopping the creation of such elite.

 

After the establishment of the authority the transitional role of the PLO and the PNA from liberation to serving the daily life was disrupted dramatically in many occasions by direct interference of the Israeli security or military forces.

 

Parallel to that an elite of the governing body has started to emerge. This elite however was not a normal growth of competition between internal self interest and civil service, but was influenced strongly by the options and controls available to the occupation. The new elite is controlled to a large degree by the occupation. They may differ in their internal feelings toward it but they know the limits and price of facing and challenging the occupation.

 

One may say that this is not different from any controls in any society regarding oppression and unfair economical, political or racial discrimination. In fundamental principles that is true. But in real politics the roles and impact are different.

 

If the role of the PNA was to integrate with Israel to reach a final one democratic state then the corruption within the elite of the Palestinians will be considered as a temporary role of self interest that can be corrected finally by the democratic role governing the whole society.

 

But this elite is established before the liberation and the terms of its very survival are dictated by the daily control of the occupation and that means they cannot make free choices and decisions without the direct interference from the Israelis.

 

This interference is not for the support of some class against another but for the support of Israelis to control most of the land and to create new settlements that minimize the size of the Palestinian land to a degree that can destroy the very idea of an independent free Palestinian state.

 

What we want to emphasize here is to see the conflict between dealing with oppression and practicing democracy under occupation, and at the same time being treated as if we are independent, when every body knows we are not. The sad fact is we are treated as such from friends and foes.

 

We hope in this session we will be able to address this issue.

 

We don’t want to claim that occupation prevents the growth of internal democratic structures of the parties but we can say with certainty we cannot establish a governing democratic structure for the people when we are under occupation. Our past 15 years experiment proves that at every corner.

 

The second important problem we face is the conflict between being in fact a liberation movement with all of what it carries and at the same time we are treated and measured against the standards of a party within an independent state. This combination is very hard to meet and it is certain to make huge failures.

 

It may be easy to suggest a solution by asking for concentrating on the political party role and rely on the international powers support for the final independence. This is not working in our case.

 

The US with all of its might is not able or not willing to challenge Israel in any field. The case of Judge Goldstone is a very clear example of the limits of practicing the role of representing the interest of the people and dealing with an occupation that is basically free to act against the people with no limits. The failure of the US to curtail settlement is another scandalous case of the failure of the whole process.

 

We have spent 20 years trying to reach independence through negotiation and international support and we have paid in advance a heavy price. We gave up the right to control over 78% of Palestine trying to get the other 22% but it is not working. The occupation is increasing the rate of settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem.

 

They act as if the land of the West Bank is annexed for all practical purposes. Only the people are left with no protection or rights and are treated as if they live in another place and space and that they should take care of their interest as if they don’t actually live in the same place and are inflected by the Israeli actions.

 

There is no way out other than: Either the occupation ends and then the transformation from the struggle of libation to the governance can be handled, or the struggle will continue either in a one bi-national state or just keep going  on as before.

 

We call upon you comments and contributions